This book covers several areas of economic theory and political philosophy from the perspective of Austrian Economics and libertarianism. As such, it deals with Epistemology and Methodology, Microeconomics, Macroeconomics, Labor Economics, International Economics, Political Philosophy, Law and Public Policy, all from the Austro-libertarian perspective. Hence, this book offers an integrated view of libertarianism and Austrian economics in the light of recent debates in the areas of economic science and political philosophy. Moreover, it builds from the foundations of the Austrian approach (epistemology and methodology), while the latter material deals with its application to the individual from the microeconomic perspective, which in turn allows an exploration of subjects in macroeconomics. Additionally, this work applies Austro-libertarianism to law, politics, and public policy. Thus, it offers a unified view of the entire approach, in a logical progression, allowing the readers to judge this perspective in full. Futerman and Block say that their book is not a manual, which I suppose it is not. But it is a collection of highly pertinent essays, from which you can understand what is mistaken in the orthodoxy of economics, law, and politics. The central term of art in Austrian economics is that phrase "human action." It is the exercise of human will, not the blind bumping of one molecule against another or one organism against another, as in the physical sciences... Futerman and Block distinguish Austrian economics as a scientific enterprise based on liberty of the will from "libertarianism" as an advocacy based on policies implied by such liberty. "Although Austrian economics is positive and libertarianism is normative," they write, "this book shows how both are related; how each can support the other." Indeed they do. Deirdre N. McCloskey, PhD UIC Distinguished Professor of Economics and of History Emerita, Professor of English Emerita, Professor of Communication Emerita, University of Illinois at Chicago

This book probes the depths of libertarian philosophy and highlights the need for laws that protect all individuals in society. This book defines libertarianism as a theory of what is just law, it is predicated upon the non-aggression principle (NAP). This legal foundation of the libertarian philosophy states that it should be illicit to threaten or engage in initiatory violence against innocent people. Ultimately, this book presents the notion, defend the "undefendable." This book defines that as; any person, institution, professional, worker, which is either reviled by virtually everyone, or prohibited by law, and does not violate the NAP. Weaved throughout, this book uses political philosophy to present three fundamental premises to explain this libertarian point of view. Firstly, this book defines the non-aggression principle (NAP). Secondly, demonstrates the importance and relevance of private property rights in this context. This book uses practical examples to demonstrate the theoretical application of freedom rights using libertarianism principles.

This book compares and contrasts the motivations, morality, and effectiveness of space exploration when pursued by private entrepreneurs as opposed to government. The authors advocate market-driven, private initiatives take the lead through enhanced competition and significant resources that can be allocated to the exploration and exploitation of outer space. Space travel and colonisation is analysed through the prism of economic freedom and laissez faire capitalism, in a unique and accessible book.

Influential libertarians from diverse backgrounds and professions who have worked toward a freer society across the globe share their personal and intellectual journeys, including what their lives and thoughts were before they embraced libertarianism; which people, texts, or events most inspired them; what experiences, challenges, tribulations, and achievements they have had as participants or leaders in this movement, and how this philosophy has affected their private and professional lives. The volume’s 80 contributors span the political-philosophical spectrum of libertarianism, including anarcho-capitalists, minarchists, constitutionalists, classical liberals, and thick libertarians. Their essays express different perspectives on many issues even while articulating such core principles as an appreciation for individual liberty, private property rights, the rule of law, and free enterprise. Together, they represent myriad individual journeys toward libertarianism, however defined. By bringing together a range of contemporary voices from outside the dominant left-right paradigm, this book aims to contribute to the viewpoint diversity that is crucially needed in today’s public discourse. These autobiographies not only offer compelling insights into their individual authors and the state of the world today, but may also inspire the next generation to make our society a freer one.  

This book applies libertarian property rights theory to a vexing controversy, abortion. This book offers a compromise solution that will not fully please either of the two sides of this debate, but, is the only possible reconciliation between the two. Nor are its benefits limited to the fact that the opposing forces in this debate may be brought together. Evictionism, also, is the only philosophical position compatible with human rights; neither of the other two can make this claim. There are many other publications and learned articles supporting the pro-life position as well as defending the pro-life viewpoint. This is the only book that offers a perspective on abortion that is radically different than both. This book uniquely applies private property rights theories we all agree upon when referred to issues such as real estate, crime, torts, etc., to abortion. The underlying philosophical contribution of Evictionism this book presents is that these basic legal premises can be utilized in this controversial case as well as practically everywhere else in law. Want to solve the abortion controversy? Want to demonstrate that both the pro-life and the pro-choice positions are erroneous? Want to read about a position that is a compromise between the pro-life and the pro-choice positions? Then this book provides robust understanding, discussions and applications for getting to the truth about this issue.

This book covers several areas of economic theory and political philosophy from the perspective of Austrian Economics and libertarianism. As such, it deals with Epistemology and Methodology, Microeconomics, Macroeconomics, Labor Economics, International Economics, Political Philosophy, Law and Public Policy, all from the Austro-libertarian perspective. Hence, this book offers an integrated view of libertarianism and Austrian economics in the light of recent debates in the areas of economic science and political philosophy. Moreover, it builds from the foundations of the Austrian approach (epistemology and methodology), while the latter material deals with its application to the individual from the microeconomic perspective, which in turn allows an exploration of subjects in macroeconomics. Additionally, this work applies Austro-libertarianism to law, politics, and public policy. Thus, it offers a unified view of the entire approach, in a logical progression, allowing the readers to judge this perspective in full. Futerman and Block say that their book is not a manual, which I suppose it is not. But it is a collection of highly pertinent essays, from which you can understand what is mistaken in the orthodoxy of economics, law, and politics. The central term of art in Austrian economics is that phrase "human action." It is the exercise of human will, not the blind bumping of one molecule against another or one organism against another, as in the physical sciences... Futerman and Block distinguish Austrian economics as a scientific enterprise based on liberty of the will from "libertarianism" as an advocacy based on policies implied by such liberty. "Although Austrian economics is positive and libertarianism is normative," they write, "this book shows how both are related; how each can support the other." Indeed they do. Deirdre N. McCloskey, PhD UIC Distinguished Professor of Economics and of History Emerita, Professor of English Emerita, Professor of Communication Emerita, University of Illinois at Chicago

This book probes the depths of libertarian philosophy and highlights the need for laws that protect all individuals in society. This book defines libertarianism as a theory of what is just law, it is predicated upon the non-aggression principle (NAP). This legal foundation of the libertarian philosophy states that it should be illicit to threaten or engage in initiatory violence against innocent people. Ultimately, this book presents the notion, defend the "undefendable." This book defines that as; any person, institution, professional, worker, which is either reviled by virtually everyone, or prohibited by law, and does not violate the NAP. Weaved throughout, this book uses political philosophy to present three fundamental premises to explain this libertarian point of view. Firstly, this book defines the non-aggression principle (NAP). Secondly, demonstrates the importance and relevance of private property rights in this context. This book uses practical examples to demonstrate the theoretical application of freedom rights using libertarianism principles.

This book applies libertarian property rights theory to a vexing controversy, abortion. This book offers a compromise solution that will not fully please either of the two sides of this debate, but, is the only possible reconciliation between the two. Nor are its benefits limited to the fact that the opposing forces in this debate may be brought together. Evictionism, also, is the only philosophical position compatible with human rights; neither of the other two can make this claim. There are many other publications and learned articles supporting the pro-life position as well as defending the pro-life viewpoint. This is the only book that offers a perspective on abortion that is radically different than both. This book uniquely applies private property rights theories we all agree upon when referred to issues such as real estate, crime, torts, etc., to abortion. The underlying philosophical contribution of Evictionism this book presents is that these basic legal premises can be utilized in this controversial case as well as practically everywhere else in law. Want to solve the abortion controversy? Want to demonstrate that both the pro-life and the pro-choice positions are erroneous? Want to read about a position that is a compromise between the pro-life and the pro-choice positions? Then this book provides robust understanding, discussions and applications for getting to the truth about this issue.

Looking at discrimination, education, environment, health and crime, this volume analyses United States Supreme Court rulings on several legal issues and proposed libertarian solutions to each problem. Setting their own liberal theory of law, each chapter discusses the law at hand, what it should be, and what it would be if their political economic philosophy were the justification of the legal practice. Covering issues such as sexual harassment, religion, markets in human organs, drug prohibition and abortion, this book is a timely contribution to classical liberal debate on law and economics.

In this timely book, Walter E. Block uses classical liberal theory to defend private property rights. Looking at how free enterprise, capitalism and libertarianism are cornerstones of economically prosperous civilizations, Block highlights why private property rights are crucial. Discussing philosophy, libertarian property rights theory, reparations and other property rights issues, this volume is of interest to academics, students, journalists and all those interested in this integral aspect of political economic philosophy.

In this timely book, Walter E. Block uses classical liberal theory to defend private property rights. Looking at how free enterprise, capitalism and libertarianism are cornerstones of economically prosperous civilizations, Block highlights why private property rights are crucial. Discussing philosophy, libertarian property rights theory, reparations and other property rights issues, this volume is of interest to academics, students, journalists and all those interested in this integral aspect of political economic philosophy.

This book offers a unique perspective on the State of Israel based on classical liberalism, both on a historical and theoretical level. Specifically, it makes a classical liberal and libertarian analysis based upon homesteading and private property rights to defend the State of Israel. As such, this work explores the history of the Jewish State, both to provide a positive case for its right to exist, and to clarify the myths surrounding its origin and development. At the same time, it deals with other relevant related subjects, such as the complex situation between Israel and the Palestinian Arabs, the military campaigns against the Jewish State, the connection between anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism, and Israel's economic miracle. The thorough analysis presented in this work intends to show not only why the voices and movements against Israel are wrong (including the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement, BDS), but more importantly, why Israel is an example of human flourishing and freedom that every advocate for liberty should celebrate. The Classical Liberal Case for Israel makes the practical and moral case for Israel. It is based on truths and facts that need to be repeated over and over. Block & Futerman understand that the only way to defeat a big lie is with a big truth. Benjamin Netanyahu, Prime Minister of the State of Israel, Jerusalem, Israel Classical Liberalism, often associated with the spread West from Northern Europe in creating free nations, is argued here as applying to Israel, with ancient roots in the principles of human freedom. Vernon L. Smith, Ph.D. Nobel Prize in Economic Sciences (2002), and Professor, George L. Argyros Endowed Chair in Finance and Economics, Professor of Economics and Law, Smith Institute for Political Economy and Philosophy, at Chapman University.

Academic freedom and tenure, both cherished institutions of higher education, are currently under attack by many both outside and within the academy. Richard DeGeorge argues that they can be defended on ethical grounds only if they are joined with appropriate accountability, publicly articulated and defended standards, and conscientious enforcement of these standards by academic institutions and the members of the academic community. He discusses the ethical justification of tenure and academic freedom, as well as ethical issues in their implementation. He argues that academic freedom, which is the basis for tenure, is not license nor the same as freedom of speech. Properly understood and practiced, both academic freedom and tenure exist not to benefit faculty members or their institutions, but to benefit an open society in which they thrive and of which they are an important part.

Looking at discrimination, education, environment, health and crime, this volume analyses United States Supreme Court rulings on several legal issues and proposed libertarian solutions to each problem. Setting their own liberal theory of law, each chapter discusses the law at hand, what it should be, and what it would be if their political economic philosophy were the justification of the legal practice. Covering issues such as sexual harassment, religion, markets in human organs, drug prohibition and abortion, this book is a timely contribution to classical liberal debate on law and economics.

Water covers some 75% of the earth's surface, while land covers 25%, approximately. Yet the former accounts for less than 1% of world GDP, the latter 99% plus. Part of the reason for this imbalance is that there are more people located on land than water. But a more important explanation is that while land is privately owned, water is unowned (with the exception of a few small lakes and ponds), or governmentally owned (rivers, large lakes). This gives rise to the tragedy of the commons: when something is unowned, people have less of an incentive to care for it, preserve it, and protect it, than when they own it. As a result we have oil spills, depletion of fish stocks, threatened extinction of some species (e.g. whales), shark attacks, polluted and dried-up rivers, misallocated water, unsafe boating, piracy, and other indices of economic disarray which, if they had occurred on the land, would have been more easily identified as the result of the tragedy of the commons and/or government ownership and mismanagement. The purpose of this book is to make the case for privatization of all bodies of water, without exception. In the tragic example of the Soviet Union, the 97% of the land owned by the state accounted for 75% of the crops. On the 3% of the land privately owned, 25% of the crops were grown. The obvious mandate requires that we privatize the land, and prosper. The present volume applies this lesson, in detail, to bodies of water.

Plunder in Latin America by Guillermo Yeatts offers a unique, insider's view of the objective conditions that have given rise to the ransacking of Latin America by local political vested groups. At a time when globalization is flattening the playing field of world political economics, and with the path to prosperity so clear for so many nations, why is it certain countries remain disadvantaged and unstable? For Yeatts, the origins of this problem lies in the rules of the game governing how resources are transferred from less to more powerful sectors of society. The plundering tradition of Latin America goes back to colonial times. Over time, specific factors have contributed to an environment of noncompliance with the law and the fostering of a plundered mentality. Plunder in Latin America grapples with critical questions facing the future of Latin America, and is a must read for anyone concerned with globalization, equality, and Latin American history.

Free Enterprise Environmentalism argues that laissez capitalism can address climate change more effectively than socialism and government regulation. The contributors support the role of markets, free enterprise, limited government, and private property rights in service of environmental protections. Covering topics such as extinction, overpopulation, pollution, and resources exhaustion, the contributors offer alternate solutions to environmental degradation than have been proposed by the political left.

Water covers some 75% of the earth's surface, while land covers 25%, approximately. Yet the former accounts for less than 1% of world GDP, the latter 99% plus. Part of the reason for this imbalance is that there are more people located on land than water. But a more important explanation is that while land is privately owned, water is unowned (with the exception of a few small lakes and ponds), or governmentally owned (rivers, large lakes). This gives rise to the tragedy of the commons: when something is unowned, people have less of an incentive to care for it, preserve it, and protect it, than when they own it. As a result we have oil spills, depletion of fish stocks, threatened extinction of some species (e.g. whales), shark attacks, polluted and dried-up rivers, misallocated water, unsafe boating, piracy, and other indices of economic disarray which, if they had occurred on the land, would have been more easily identified as the result of the tragedy of the commons and/or government ownership and mismanagement. The purpose of this book is to make the case for privatization of all bodies of water, without exception. In the tragic example of the Soviet Union, the 97% of the land owned by the state accounted for 75% of the crops. On the 3% of the land privately owned, 25% of the crops were grown. The obvious mandate requires that we privatize the land, and prosper. The present volume applies this lesson, in detail, to bodies of water.